Q&A: Activist calls democracy a 'duty' for politicians

by Roman Olearchyk, Kyiv Post Staff Writer
Mar 31, 01:14

Local politician Luba Maiboroda talks about the meaning and relevance of exporting liberty elsewhere

Politician and democracy activist Luba Maiboroda has been active in Ukraine for more than a decade. She claims that a training seminar in the early 1990s organized by the International Republican Institute, a United States-funded NGO, helped her get elected as a deputy to the Cherkasy oblast council. She says she has since used her experience to help IRI spread the idea of democracy through training seminars in Ukraine and other former Soviet republics.

The Post interviewed Maiboroda in Kyiv on March 29. Her insights provide a glance into the state of democracy in post-Soviet countries, including Kyrgyzstan, which is currently caught up in a revolution.

KP: How effective would you describe your training work and the work of other organizations involved in raising democracy awareness in Ukraine?

LM: The fact that the Orange Revolution occurred is evidence that work in this area was successful. The awareness of people increased significantly because they believed they were worth more and capable of playing a decisive role in their future. These seminars were held nationwide at all levels. When people first come to these seminars they generally complain about how bad things are, and that they are powerless to change things. Several sessions later, these complaints disappear and attendees are talking more about concrete steps they plan on taking in order to implement changes.

KP: How did the situation in Ukraine before the revolution compare with the situation in Kyrgyzstan before the recent events there?

LM: The situations were very similar, with violations of individual rights, unruly investigations into oppositionist activists, and a drastic gap between the extremely poor and privileged rich. These and other factors fueled growing anxiety within the populace.

KP: Did you also notice that public awareness in Kyrgyzstan was rising during your trips there last summer?

LM: Yes, almost the same as it did in Ukraine. I was in four cities in Kyrgyzstan. At the beginning of the seminars all the attendees were complaining about their problems and saying they were growing and unsolvable. I listened to all this and told them: Nobody will change this other than you. Then we focused on what they needed to do. We developed a strategy on how they can act on all sorts of issues - on the lack of hot water, for example. Within a couple of days they were like different people, confident in their ability to change things.

KP: Did you expect revolutionary developments in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan?

LM: Yes, without a doubt. As a leader of the Our Ukraine faction in the Cherkasy oblast council, I - with my colleagues - began preparing for the elections two years in advance. We knew that if there were falsifications, we would go out into the streets in protest. It was a colossal job that required lots of preparation. In Kyrgyzstan we worked not only with oppositionist parties, but also with [the ruling party backed by the ousted president]. It was a pleasure working with them, as they were more punctual than the opposition parties. I was moved by the fact that they themselves were unhappy with the way things were going, and wanted and expected change.

KP: What advice did you give them?

LM: I told them essentially: Look, your children will be living in this country and you are responsible for what kind of country they will inherit from you. You don't have the right to sit with your hands crossed and wait until someone else does this. You need to guarantee them a good education, food and normal life conditions. This is your duty.

KP: A few months ago, then President-elect Viktor Yushchenko and Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili signed the so-called Carpathian Declaration in which they stated that a wave of democracy will spread through the former Soviet bloc and promised to support it. Do you expect this to happen?

LM: Without a doubt. It is not possible to stop the inherent urge for democracy. Nothing can stop it. People want to be respected and to be able to control their well-being and future. I expect this revolutionary wave to continue at a fast pace.

KP: What do you expect in the near future in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Belarus?

LM: The average living standards in Kazakhstan are higher than in Uzbekistan and in Kyrgyzstan. But the underlying dissatisfaction of society is palpable there, and oppositionist forces have significant roles in parliament. I expect them to become the generators of change in a way similar to that in which oppositionist parliament forces were in Ukraine. I expect them to change the election law there soon, and that future elections there will be held in a more democratic fashion.

As for Belarus, the situation is very complicated, as the populace is more ready than in the Central Asian countries. But the current repressions of President Aleksander Lukashenko are keeping them at bay. An explosive revolutionary turn of events is more likely in Belarus as a result.

KP: What about Russia?

LM: It seems to me that Russia will be the last country to make major strides in democracy development. They have a relatively high living standard due to rich natural and energy resources. President Vladimir Putin continues to have a high rating. I don't expect much change while Putin remains president. I expect changes in Belarus first.

KP: Western NGOs sent trainers from post-revolutionary Serbia and Georgia to Ukraine as consultants. Are Ukrainian activists to play a more active role spreading democracy in other post Soviet countries?

LM: One of the opposition leaders in Kyrgyzstan came to Ukraine during the Orange Revolution and said that our experience was the most important for them, and our methods are closer to theirs. I am ready to travel to any country. A lot depends on the availability of funding and NGOs.

KP: Some people, such as Ukraine's Communist Party, describe such Western-funded NGOs as either secret agents or operatives who are interfering in local politics. What is your view on this?

LM: This idea is quite widespread and widely believed. It is sad that I even have to spend time contradicting it. I worked with communist politicians in Ukraine in Kharkiv, Donetsk, Luhansk, and in Kyrgyzstan. Most of them thanked us for our advice and consultations. These are blatant rumors. Our training programs give people access to information and inform them about methodologies that they have at their disposal. They can use them or not. The rest is their choice.