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C e n t e r - R i gh t Pa rt i e s i n S l o va k i a…
of policy topics, including those which the opposition used for its strong criticism of the
government, was a contributing factor to their election success.
In the campaign, opposition
Smer
attacked the ruling parties, especially the SDKÚ, for
alleged corruption, but while this rhetoric helped Fico keep his popularity among leftist
voters, it did not weaken the support of the center-right voters for the right. Although in
1999–2002, during Dzurinda’s first government, there was a number of political scandals
resulting from clientelism and corrupt practices, their impact was minimal, even though
the population considered (and still considers) corruption to be one of the most pressing
problems of public life. This is due to a variety of factors, including the fact that during
Mečiar’s government, corruption was much more blatant. In comparison with the Mečiar
period, people considered corruption less widespread. Also, in 1999 and 2002, some
significant anti-corruption measures were carried out, such as approval of laws limiting
corrupt behavior, introduction of compulsory tenders with international participation
in privatization of the natural monopolies, adoption of anti-corruption government pro-
grams founding of special anti-corruption units in state institutions. Finally, publicized
corruption cases resulted in personnel changes in the government cabinet and other state
institutions. Center-right parties argued that they were more responsive than the Mečiar
government to charges of corruption.
Since October 2002, the center-right, conservative-liberal coalition SDKÚ-SMK-KDH-
ANO government has been in charge in Slovakia. It has carried out an ambitious plan of
structural reforms. The government added to past reforms (such as revision of the con-
stitution, decentralization of public administration, bank sector reform and break-up of
natural monopolies) by reforming tax policy, public finances, the social system, pensions,
health care, the judiciary and the military. The government is also preparing for a reform
of the education system.
In last several years, the country and its population were confronted with massive reforms
in a short period of time, and the positive effects on macroeconomic stability or the influx
of foreign direct investments have not protected the center-right parties from a fall in
popularity from 2002 levels. This has been accompanied by the increasing popularity of
the strongest opposition party,
Smer
, which rejects the reform policies of the cabinet and
promises to revise almost all reform measures should it come to power.
In the upcoming 2006 elections, the center-right parties need to deal with the question
of how they can benefit from reform efforts that will not bear fruit until the current
cabinet has left power. One of the tactics is to intensify its efforts to communicate with
people about reforms and their consequences. The efficacy of this effort can be mea-
sured in shifts in public’s assessment of the overall direction of society’s development.
At the end of 2004, polls indicated for the first time a balanced share between optimists
and pessimists, while a year before, the share of pessimists was almost two times higher.
This provides the center-right parties with favorable conditions for addressing voters by
using a policy–focused argument.
Although relatively frequent conflicts in relations among coalition partners has not caused
the weakening of the common efforts of center-right parties to implement reforms, they
have had a negative impact on the positions of these parties among citizens. The problem-
atic side of the ruling parties’ activity is a trend to “instrumentalize” power, a trend that
