2013
Jordan Parliamentary Elections
26
by IRI long-term observers said they did not provide this documentation to the DEC, in part
because no penalty was stipulated in the law for non-compliance.
Candidates
Overall, the number of candidates in local districts totaled 698, including 569 male and 129 female
candidates. On a national level, 736 male candidates and 84 female candidates composed the 61
registered lists. The number of registered candidates was significantly higher than in 2007 and 2010,
largely due to the introduction of national lists, which had a minimum of nine candidates on each list
stipulated by the IEC. Most stakeholders, however, noted the lack of new entrants into the race.
While some new faces emerged, the same tribes that traditionally gained representation fielded the
strongest candidates. As such, the importance of tribal identification remained the most influential
feature driving voting behavior in the elections.
Only 14 percent of candidates who registered were female, reflecting the continued difficulty women
have running for elected office in a conservative society. As with candidates in general, tribal
identification played the major role in the nomination and election of female candidates. Female
candidates complained to IRI long-term observers that the SNTV system lowered their ability of
getting a fair chance to compete, since men in families often pressure their wives to vote for the
male candidate they support. Under a two-vote system, these candidates maintain, more women
would use their second vote to choose a female candidate. While some female candidates
interviewed by IRI delegates believed the female quota requirement should be abolished because it
allegedly only produces weak candidates who seek to further tribal interests, other female candidates
expressed support for the quota requirement, stating it was the best chance for mixed gender
representation in parliament. In general, female candidates campaigned on the need to deal with
corruption and fix the economy, but many also mentioned that they hoped to advance women’s
rights as well if elected. One obstacle common to most female candidates was lack of funding for
their campaigns, as it is rare for men within the family, or husbands, to finance their campaigns.
National List
While some pointed to the fact that 61 lists registered for these elections as an indicator of
enthusiasm for the list system and perhaps, more broadly, for political parties, the general consensus
among stakeholders IRI observers interviewed was that the number of lists competing was too high,
and that lists in general did not stand for new ideologies or have true national platforms. Many
believed that those who competed for list seats did so because of their financial backing. Generally,
voters were less interested in the list-based system, often stating that it only furthered well-financed
political elites and served as another electoral mechanism for the tribal vote to retain influence in
parliament. The introduction of the national list, combined with the weak mandate of parliament,
did not sufficiently incentivize political parties nor did it usher in new political ideologies in ways
commensurate with the King’s vision for political reform. This points to the need for further
reforms that support the development of political parties that campaign on issue-based platforms.
In their discussions with election stakeholders, IRI long-term observers often heard calls for the lists
to be open, thus allowing the voter to choose which member of the list he or she would like to win a
parliamentary seat. Open lists for this reason would accord with Jordanian citizens’ preference for
